In a digital world where data can be more easily shared and documented, scholarly literature and its underpinning data are increasingly seen as inseparable. At the same time, while the importance of data sharing is accepted, there are essential questions that still require an answer.
- Extrem: Die Macht des Willens (German Edition).
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For example, why should authors go through the effort of documenting and publishing datasets, if their career depends on the publication of articles and if there is no standard for metadata and basic attribution information around data? Several RDA projects are underway to provide answers to these questions by creating a framework to measure data reuse in a standardized fashion.
Finding the right way to measure the impact of shared data is crucial if research data is to be included as one of the scholarly outputs used for research evaluation. The current meritocratic system in academia relies heavily on the publication of scientific results in recognized academic journals, supported by an internantional editorial board and peer review system. The most commonly used metric to measure the impact of a publication is counting the number of times it receives a citation from other publications that are also peer reviewed and published in recognized journals.
The temptation to use the same metrics for data, and measure citations of datasets in articles, is certainly strong. However, the interaction and impact of research data is more complex than that. The very definition of what a citation for data is, is fuzzier than the equivalent for articles. I will first outline how data repositories and publishers can expose article-data links using Scholix approaches and data usage metrics following the new code of practice for research data. I will then explain how they can consume this information to make DLMs available and help researchers get credit for their work.
The goal of the Scholix WG was to establish a high-level framework for exchanging article-data links. It aimed to enable an open information ecosystem to understand systematically what data underpins literature and what literature references data. The Scholix WG addressed this problem. Its goal was to improve the links between scholarly literature and research data as well as between datasets, thereby making it easier to discover, interpret, and reuse scholarly information.
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The Scholix initiative offers:. This supports and respects existing community-specific practices and the existing means of exchanging this information. The conceptual model Figure 1 is about the link between two objects, such as a journal article and the underpinning data. Rather than describing in detail the properties of each of the two objects, the conceptual model focuses on the relationship between the objects.
It also enables a record of who asserted the link and who made the link available. Figure 1  : Scholix information model. Providers contribute links by sharing information about the source object article or dataset , target object article or dataset and the nature and direction of the relationship.
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As mentioned in the previous section, within the Scholix framework organizations contribute information through community hubs. The majority of scholarly publishers work with non-profit organization Crossref to share metadata about publications. These metadata records include comprehensive information about the items being registered, and increasingly include links to related scholarly artifacts such as data, software, protocols, and reviews.
As can be seen in Figure 2 , Crossref provides two paths to registering data citations: references and relations. Relations are a way to associate related digital objects with each other through metadata. A publisher can register metadata with Crossref explicitly linking a dataset to a journal article. References are formal citations such as would be provided in a bibliography and are a type of relation but are provided separately within Crossref metadata.
In Crossref will be expanding citation support to allow publishers to explicitly identify data citations in line with the data citation roadmap for scientific publishers Cousijn et al. This will allow for deposition of data citations with all types of persistent identifiers as references.
Many data repositories actively curate and keep track of which articles are using the datasets they host. This is valuable information that is currently not always available to other organizations in the data community. Figure 2  : Depositing Data Citations with Crossref. Publishers can deposit data citations following two different methods: references or relations. Therefore, information about any journal publications related to a dataset can be included in the metadata records that are sent to DataCite.
This additional information should follow the DataCite metadata schema which is aligned with the Scholix metadata schema Burton et al. When these elements are added to the metadata that is registered with DataCite, the information about the links will automatically become openly available. Scholexplorer will then enrich its graph of article-dataset links with the ones collected from the repository, de-duplicate when necessary, and expose all links as Scholix records via APIs on behalf of the registered repository.
All links exported by OpenAIRE carry provenance information about the data sources that provided the links more than one source may have provided the same link , to ensure visi-bility of the contributing repositories and provide a degree of trust to the consuming services. OpenAIRE asks the database to display the Scholix logo on their website and indicate that it is harvested by Scholexplorer.
Following the Scholix initiative and the related work of the RDA Data Citation WG, it was clear that there are broader metrics for data that the community needs to address. Yet, even if the Netherlands and West Germany abandoned their initial precondition about British EEC-membership , the institutional aspects of the French proposal inevitably backfired The intergovernmental Grand Design was stalled. France had succeeded its decolonisation of Algeria , and could purport to play the role of impartial mediator. Yet, the margins were reduced, as concessions America made or military actions undertaken in one sphere of the globe, could have their repercussions in the theatre most vital to France: Europe At the time of the Schuman-Monnet-plan, Britain had declined invitations to join Likewise, transatlantic economic integration and the EEC were two different processes De Gaulle saw Britain as a bridgehead linking these two processes, and well to the detriment of the latter As Ludwig Erhard took over the Bundeskanzleramt in , Germany firmly chose Washington over Paris as its privileged partner , symbolised by the personal sympathy between Lyndon Johnson and the new Chancellor, who met already in December , and the ensuing commercial weapons agreement 5 November This reflected a fundamental difference in political ideas.
In this respect, Erhard echoed American interpretations of rising nationalism in Europe or the perceived inadequacy of the nation-state with regard to 20 th Century problems , leading e. De Gaulle, in turn, found Erhard had no original political opinions, and seemed at a loss to construct his foreign policy Whereas the latter saw Atlantic and economic integration as a pathway to prosperity and progress, the former adhered to a revival of nationalism, or, popular legitimacy for sovereign states, which would inevitably lead to different outcomes around the world, and thus to a multipolar world For Erhard, who made a staggering career after decades of relative discretion as a university professor, had been Stunde Null for the world as well De Gaulle, on the other hand, saw a continuous history of Europe, and recurring patterns in geopolitics as the main mover of foreign policy Diese Politik stellt einen Vertragsbruch dar.
Secretary of State Rudolf Lahr, 19 January Similarly, de Gaulle saw the EEC as a pool to draw allies for his attack on the gold exchange standard, when he announced his request to physically exchange the dollars detained by the Banque de France for gold Press Conference, 4 February Yet, French insistence on de facto veto powers could not meet with success. Thus, it was of prime importance that France offered concessions to the other parties as well. Commission President Hallstein was the direct cause of this outburst , as he had presented bold plans for reform to the European Parliamentary Assembly in Spring 23 March For the Commission, article EEC, specifying its coordinating role with regards to national policies, was insufficient.
Two months later, Charles de Gaulle sent out a crossfire of verbal missiles against the supranational conception of European integration In private, the President equalled the introduction of Qualified Majority Voting in the Council of Ministers to the loss of French sovereignty , called for a revision of the treaty, implying abandoning supranationality and QMV altogether, and for the dismissal of the whole Commission De Gaulle counted on bilateral talks between France and its EEC partners, completely bypassing their common institutions, thus, in practice applying the Fouchet Plan, which they had refused earlier However, making this argument hard required either an exit from the EEC which implied abandoning the hard-fought CAP, which served as a counterpart to the German-desired customs union , or a treaty revision which required unanimity.
This meeting initiated the final phase of discussions. Consequently, a treaty change to accommodate French wishes was excluded. Instead, de Gaulle counted on a multilateral protocol declaration, serving as an interpretation of the treaty Any state which felt threatened in its essential interest, could object to a potentially harmful decision. In the French interpretation, this amounted to the formal engagement to pursue discussions and not proceed to a vote until a final deal was reached In case of failure, disagreements persisted between France and the five others.
The minutes of the meeting of the Foreign Ministers on 28 January mark the ambiguous character of the first compromise :. Il faut distinguer entre le droit et la politique. For France, an individual member state decided in a discretionary way. For Germany, on the other hand, fixing the threshold was a collective competence Why should the other states rely on a unilateral statement by one of the partners ?
In the German view, even the horizontal, or traditional treaty-based strand of European integration, was submitted to the common obligation to coordinate economic policy, contained in Article 6 EEC A non-agreement on the non-application of the majority rule equalled its confirmation In any case, the sanction in case of an effective QMV-outcome against France could not be anything but a political one cf. In theory, political agreements have their sanction in the reciprocal character of the agreement.
In the case of the Luxemburg compromise, France was the sole beneficiary On middle-term basis, discussions in Council, Commission or Parliament turned away from grand designs of further integration, and concentrated on technical matters In the short run, at a procedural level, France insisted on preliminary Commission contact with the member states through the permanent representatives at the council Instead, it provided arguments for new member states, such as the United Kingdom to insist on concessions during the preparatory stage of Commission proposals , and can still serve as a political pressure argument today, irrespective of the precarious legal status of the non- agreement Its finality, however, is not that of provoking a rupture, but of moving the need for compromise on essential interests forward in the institutional mechanics.
Charles de Gaulle, press conference 21 February The assertion that we can deal effectively only with countries of equal strength is not conducive to inspiring confidence among the great majority of the nations of the world which are weak At first, de Gaulle proposed President Eisenhower 24 September to create a tripartite directorate of NATO, recalling the allied organisation during the war However, once this idea had vanished, France gradually distanced itself from the military organisation of the alliance The Republic retired its Mediterranean fleet from NATO-command 11 March and refused to have American bombers with nuclear warheads on its national territory 5 September , arguing that the presence of nuclear weapons on French soil was incompatible with the lack of decision power on their use.
Three months later, in his 23 July press conference, the General buried the German attempt to pool nuclear forces within NATO, by attacking the Multilateral Force MLF , which would still mean that the Americans would decide on the effective use of nuclear power However, for France, it meant downgrading its autonomy.source url
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Yet, this did not appease France: in May , de Gaulle announced that his country would not take part in planned joint NATO manoeuvers. The decision to leave the integrated military structure had been taken by de Gaulle and Couve de Murville, ahead of the December Presidential elections Alluding on the clausula rebus sic stantibus in international law , de Gaulle argued that anything beyond a contractual alliance could not be binding anymore for France. Invoking national independence and sovereignty, NATO-troops were asked to leave the French national territory From a legal point of view, the decisions unanimously taken by the Atlantic Council, allowing for the creation of the commandment structures after the Korean War, were considered as merely indicative, and thus insufficiently explicit to limit French sovereignty Moreover, France did never question its fundamental allegiance to the United States in the world conflict, and —since had never engaged in a military confrontation with its ally overseas Vesuvius by an anonymous author, published in Avignon in , also shows the complete epitaph in Latin without translation.
Pompeii and Herculaneum were marked on the maps from fifteenth - sixteenth century and on the illustrations in books of the time about the eruption of Vesuvius in Ianuar anno trigesimo saeculi decimo septimi , Neapoli, , the author Mascolo, an eyewitness of the eruption, wrote this:. Everything on the way was swept away by this storm and the fire whirl.
Stocks and flocks were drawn and scattered around, fields, woods, huts, houses, towers were destroyed and thrown about. Two of these fire flows were very quick, one of them vigorously ran down to Herculaneum, the other one ran to Pompeii the cities once recovered from the ashes, I do not know if they will be alive again And about Herculaneum and Pompeii this is how I call both the ancient city and the one next to it I will tell you a little bit later. Now, on the contrary, it was not only horrified by the roaring bicorn Vesuvius but was buried without a splendid burial procession under the ashes, and there is probably not [even one] eyewitness of this misery left from the city of Annunciate, as its called now.
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And such a great disaster did not happen during Nero when [the city] was damaged by an earthquake and when during a theatrical performance a casual argument between Nucerians and Pompeians became the reason for a bloody wrangle, first with stones and then with knives. And now the Pompeii itself looks really miserable Memoire historique et critique sur la ville souterraine decouverte au pied du Mont-Vesuve Avignon : chez Alexandre Giroud, Theil 2.